Despite the extreme nature of the proposed revisions, Abe seems to be overcoming his coalition partner's resistance. While New Komeito may eliminate some of the broader reinterpretations as a face-saving measure, it may go along with a constitutional revolution by unconstitutional means -- unless public opinion at home and abroad emphatically oppose the move.

There is more at stake than Article Nine. The 1947 constitution was written under U.S. occupation, and the imperial government accepted it without submitting it to voters in a referendum. Since then, it has never been amended. If the Abe government gained the two-thirds legislative majorities required for a popular referendum this would permit Japanese people of the 21st century to claim ownership over their constitutional destiny, and thereby consolidate the nation's standing as one of Asia's leading democracies.

In contrast, if Abe unilaterally modifies the constitution, and treats the referendum procedure with contempt, it would create a terrible precedent for further constitutional coups. For example, Article 97 of the constitution declares that "the fundamental human rights ... guaranteed to the people of Japan are fruits of the age-old struggle of man to be free; they ... are conferred upon this and future generations in trust, to be held for all time inviolate." But the LDP has already prepared a draft that eliminates this statement of principle. The draft also contains a provision restricting freedom of speech and association "for the purpose of harming the public interest and public order." Once Abe has evaded the requirements for constitutional amendment in the case of Article Nine, what is to stop him from undermining Japan's constitutional legacy through more acts of Orwellian "reinterpretation"?

During Obama's April trip to Japan, the two leaders held a joint press conference, where Abe announced that "wide-ranging security and defensive cooperation would be promoted."

But at what price? To eliminate false impressions left by the press conference, U.S. Ambassador to Japan Caroline Kennedy should state that the United States only supports military collaboration when it is in strict conformity with Article Nine. More fundamentally, the Obama administration should not prioritize seeking Japanese help in dealing with short-term provocations from other Asian powers. Instead, it is far more important to secure Japan's place as a mature democracy in the region. The alternative is unacceptable.